By Michael Geyer, Sheila Fitzpatrick
In essays written together through experts on Soviet and German historical past, the individuals to this booklet reconsider and transform the character of Stalinism and Nazism and identify a brand new technique for viewing their histories that is going well past the now-outdated twentieth-century versions of totalitarianism, ideology, and character. Doing the hard work of comparability provides us the potential to envision the historicity of the 2 impressive regimes and the wreckage they've got left. With the tip of the chilly struggle and the cave in of the Soviet Union, students of Europe are not any longer harassed with the political luggage that constricted learn and conditioned interpretation and feature entry to hitherto closed data. The time is correct for a clean examine the 2 mammoth dictatorships of the 20th century and for a go back to the unique motive of concept on totalitarian regimes - realizing the intertwined trajectories of socialism and nationalism in eu and international heritage.
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Additional resources for Beyond totalitarianism: Stalinism and Nazism compared
The two regimes did not coexist in a common history but saw in each other potentially deadly competitors and considered the rest of the world and, especially, the dominant “first world” of capitalists or Jewish plutocrats, respectively, as equally, if not more hostile. Both set out to reshape and remake their respective nations – with extreme, genocidal violence – in order to challenge and defeat their rivals. Neither was 102 103 104 Margaret Canovan, Hannah Arendt: A Reinterpretation of Political Thought (New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Jean-Michel Chaumont, Autour d’Auschwitz: De la critique de la modernit´e a` l’assomption de la responsabilit´e historique: Une lecture de Hannah Arendt (Brussels: Academie Royale des sciences, des lettres et des beaux-arts, 1991).
30 Michael Geyer goal of increasing the birthrate. This observation establishes the authors’ overall position vis-a-vis their respective historiographies. In terms of comparison, ` the more intriguing observation is that “politics of reproduction” was an international and, indeed, transnational phenomenon – and, hence, anything but homegrown. And yet, because their ideological foundations differed, Stalinist and Nazi approaches to reproductive policy could not have been further apart. In fact, the two shared more in common with third parties – Nazism with Scandinavia, Stalinism with Catholic countries!
Cass, 2002). 30 Michael Geyer goal of increasing the birthrate. This observation establishes the authors’ overall position vis-a-vis their respective historiographies. In terms of comparison, ` the more intriguing observation is that “politics of reproduction” was an international and, indeed, transnational phenomenon – and, hence, anything but homegrown. And yet, because their ideological foundations differed, Stalinist and Nazi approaches to reproductive policy could not have been further apart.